A Constitutional Right to Bear Arms Does Not Include Assault Weapons
In the wake of the deadliest
mass shooting in Texas that snuffed out the lives of 19 children and two adults,
our state leaders have told us deadly combat-style weapons had little to do
with the massacre.
NRA officials claim limitations
on the Second Amendment will infringe
on the right of law-abiding citizens to own weapons, but
they oppose any restrictions on dangerous people from legally purchasing these
weapons. In Texas, an 18-year-old boy not old enough to drink alcohol can go to
nearby sporting goods store and buy a semi-automatic assault-style weapon
designed to kill as many people as quickly as possible (Gov. Abbott doesn’t
distinguish the difference between a hunting rifle or shotgun and a
rapid-fire, semi-automatic weapon like the AR-15 that
can fire either 30 or 60 rounds a minute).
What these gun advocates
believe, ingrained in the NRA culture, is that the right to bear arms is
absolute. Before 2008, when a conservative US. Supreme Court ruled 5-4 that there
was an individual right under the U.S. Constitution to own a firearm, courts
had consistently ruled that this right belonged to a state-organized militia.
But in the District of Columbia v. Heller case, the conservative Supreme Court
majority concluded that the amendment protected a private right of individuals
to own a firearm for self-defense.
In that majority
opinion, Justice Antonin Scalia wrote that the individual right
to bear arms was not unlimited and has restrictions:
“We do not read the Second
Amendment to protect the right of citizens to carry arms for any sort of
confrontation, just as we do not read the First Amendment to protect the right
of citizens to speak for any purpose,” Scalia stated.
Scalia went on to say the
Second Amendment does not grant citizens to carry any weapon they wish. States
can still ban prohibit “the possession of firearms by felons and the mentally
ill,” or forbid “the carrying of firearms in sensitive places such as schools
and government buildings.”
In fact, the U.S. Supreme
Court ruling concluded the right to bear arms does not include the right to
carry “dangerous” weapons. And that
ruling has been upheld by courts ever since.
Semiautomatic weapons with detachable
high-capacity magazine clips designed for rapid-fire and combat use (sometimes referred
to as “assault weapons”), once banned
under U.S. law, are certainly dangerous and deadly, as they were designed for “maximum
wound effect.” Put simply, these weapons are civilian
versions of military assault weapons developed for a specific combat purpose: laying
down a high-volume of fire over a wide killing zone. Sporting rifles don’t have
this feature. This is why more deaths occur in mass killings with these type of
weapons. In the decade after the federal assault weapons ban lapsed, America
saw a 183
percent increase in massacres and a 239 percent in fatalities.
Interestingly, the NRA claims
there is no such thing as civilian assault weapons, but the gun lobby, in
marketing these weapons to adults and juveniles, have in the past
enthusiastically described these civilian versions as “assault rifles,”
“assault pistols” and “military assault weapons” to
boost sales. Now they claim that the only true assault
weapon is an automatic weapon like a machine gun, which is already banned for
civilian use.
High-capacity, semi-automatic
assault weapons are dangerous, military-style guns that are designed to kill or
wound the maximum number of people in the shortest amount of time, and have no
legitimate sporting use. The
majority of Americans favor a ban on the sale of these
military-style assault weapons and a ban on the sale of large-capacity
magazines.
We just need the political
will to do so.
MICHAEL C. BURTON is a
freelance writer and author of John Henry Faulk: The Making of a
Liberated Mind, a biography of Texas folklorist and First Amendment
champion John Henry Faulk.
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